Strasbourg Proposal 1988
Address to the Members of the European Parliament
Strasbourg, France
June 15, 1988
We are living today in a very interdependent world. One
nation's problem can no longer be solved by itself. Without a
sense of universal responsibility our very survival is in danger.
I have, therefore, always believed in the need for better
understanding, closer co-operation, and greater respect among the
various nations of the world. The European Parliament is an
inspiring example. Out of the chaos of war, those who were once
enemies have, in a single generation, learned to co-exist and to
co-operate. I am, therefore, particularly pleased and honoured to
address this gathering at the European Parliament.
As you know, my own country - Tibet - is undergoing a very
difficult period. The Tibetans -particularly those who live under
Chinese occupation - yearn for freedom and justice and a
self-determined future, so that they are able to fully preserve their
unique identity and live in peace with their neighbours. For over
a thousand years, we Tibetans have adhered to spiritual and
environmental values in order to maintain the delicate balance of life
across the high plateau on which we live, inspired by Buddha's message
of non-violence and compassion and protected by our mountains, we
sought to respect every form of life and to abandon war as an
instrument of national policy.
Our history, dating back more than two thousand years, has been
one of independence. At no time, since the founding of our nation
in 127 B.C., have we Tibetans conceded our sovereignty to a foreign
power. As with all nations, Tibet experienced periods in which
our neighbours -Mongol, Manchu, Chinese, British and the Gorkhas of
Nepal - sought to establish influence over us. These eras have
been brief and the Tibetan people have never accepted them as
constituting a loss of national sovereignty. In fact, there have
been occasions when Tibetans rulers conquered vast areas of China and
other neighbouring states. This, however, does not mean that we
Tibetans can lay claim to these territories.
In 1949 the People's Republic of China forcibly invaded
Tibet. Since that time, Tibet has endured the darkest period in
its history. More than a million of our people have died as a
result of the occupation. Thousand of monasteries were reduced to
ruins. A generation has grown up deprived of education, economic
opportunities and a sense of its on national character. Though
the current Chinese leadership has implemented certain reforms it is
also promoting a massive population transfer onto the Tibetan
plateau. This policy has already reduced the six million Tibetans
to a minority. Speaking for all Tibetans, I must sadly inform
you, our tragedy continues.
I have always urged my people not to resort to violence in their
efforts to redress their sufferings. Yet I believe all people
have a moral right to fully protest injustice. Unfortunately, the
demonstrations in Tibet have been violently suppressed by the Chinese
police and military. I will continue to counsel for non-violence,
but unless China forsakes the brutal methods it employs, the Tibetans
cannot be responsible for a further deterioration in the situation.
Every Tibetan hopes and prays for the full restoration of our
nation's independence. Thousands of our people have sacrificed
their lives and our whole nation has suffered in this struggle.
Even in recent months, Tibetans have bravely sacrificed their lives to
achieve this precious goal. On the other hand, the Chinese
totally fail to recognize the Tibetan people's aspirations and continue
to pursue a policy of brutal suppression.
I have thought for a long time on how to achieve a realistic
solution to my nation's plight. My cabinet and I solicited the
opinions of many friends and concerned persons. As a result, on
September 21, 1987, at the Congressional Human Rights Caucus in
Washington, D.C., I announced a Five Point Peace Plan for Tibet.
In it I called for a conversion of Tibet into a zone of peace, a
sanctuary in which humanity and nature can live together in
harmony. I also called for respect of human rights, democratic
ideals, environmental protection, and a halt to the Chinese population
transfer into Tibet.
The fifth point of the peace plan called for earnest negotiations
between the Tibetans and the Chinese. We, have therefore, taken
the initiative to formulate some thoughts which, we hope, may serve as
a basis for resolving the issue of Tibet. I would like to take
this opportunity to inform the distinguished gathering here on the main
points of our thinking.
The whole of Tibet known as Cholka-Sum (U-Tsang, Kham and
Amdo) should become a self-governing democratic political entity
founded on law by agreement of the people for the common good and the
protection of themselves and their environment, in association with the
People's Republic of China.
The Government of the People's Republic of China could remain
responsible for Tibet's foreign policy. The Government of Tibet
should, however, develop and maintain relations, through its own
foreign affairs bureau, in the field of commerce, education, culture,
religion, tourism, science, sports and other non-political
activities. Tibet should join international organizations
concerned with such activities.
The Government of Tibet should be founded on a constitution or
basic law. The basic law should provide for a democratic system
of government entrusted with the task of ensuring economic equality,
social justice, and protection of the environment. This means
that the Government of Tibet will have the rights to decide on all
affairs relating to Tibet and the Tibetans.
As individual freedom is the real source and potential of any
society's development, the Government of Tibet would seek to ensure
this freedom by full adherence to the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights, including the rights to speech, assembly and religion.
Because religion constitutes the source of Tibet's national identity
and spiritual values lie at the very heart of Tibet's rich culture, it
would be the special duty of the Government of Tibet to safeguard and
develop its practice.
The Government should be comprised of a popularly elected
Chief Executive, a bi-cameral legislative branch, and an independent
judicial system. Its seat should be in Lhasa.
The social and economic system of Tibet should be determined
in accordance with the wishes of the Tibetan people, bearing in mind
especially the need to raise the standard of living of the entire
population.
The Government of Tibet would pass strict laws to protect wildlife
and plantlife. The exploitation of natural resources would be
carefully regulated. The manufacture, testing, stockpiling of
nuclear weapons and other armaments must be prohibited, as well as use
of nuclear power and other technologies which produce hazardous
waste. It would be the Government of Tibet's goal to transform
Tibet into our planet's largest natural preserve.
A regional peace conference should be called to ensure that
Tibet becomes a genuine sanctuary of peace through
demilitarization. Until such a peace conference can be convened
and demilitarization and neutralization achieved, China could have the
right to maintain a restricted number of military installations in
Tibet. These must be solely for defence purposes.
In order to create an atmosphere of trust conductive to fruitful
negotiations, the Chinese Government should cease its human rights
violations in Tibet and abandon its policy of transferring Chinese to
Tibet.
These are thoughts we have in mind. I am aware that many
Tibetans will be disappointed by the moderate stand they
represent. Undoubtedly, there will be much discussion in the
coming months within our own community, both in Tibet and in
exile. This, however, is an essential and invaluable part of any
process of change. I believe these thoughts represent the most
realistic means by which to re-establish Tibet's separate identity and
restore the fundamental rights of Tibetan people while accommodating
China's own interest. I would like to emphasize, however, that
whatever the outcome of the negotiations with the Chinese may be, the
Tibetan people themselves must be the ultimate deciding
authority. Therefore, any proposal will contain a comprehensive
procedural plan to ascertain the wishes of the Tibetan people in a
nationwide referendum.
I would like to take this opportunity to state that I do not
wish to take active part in the Government of Tibet.
Neverthesless, I will continue to work as much as I can for the
well-being and happiness of the Tibetan people as long as it is
necessary.
We are ready to present a proposal to the Government of the
People's Republic of China based on the thoughts I have
presented. A negotiating team representing the Tibetan Government
has been selected. We are prepared to meet with the Chinese to
discuss details of such a proposal aimed at achieving an equitable
solution.
We are encouraged by the keen interest being shown in our
situation by a growing number of governments and political leaders,
including former President Jimmy Carter of the United States. We
are encouraged by the recent changes in China which have brought about
a new group of leadership, more pragmatic and liberal.
We urge the Chinese Government and leadership to give serious and
substantive consideration to the ideas I have described. Only
dialogue and a willingness to look with honesty and clarity at the
reality of Tibet can lead to a viable solution. We wish to
conduct discussion with the Chinese Government bearing in mind the
larger interests of humanity. Our proposal will therefore be made
in a spirit of conciliation and we hope that the Chinese will respond
accordingly.
My country's unique history and profound spiritual heritage render
it ideally suited for fulfilling the role of a sanctuary of peace at
the heart of Asia. Its historic status as a neutral buffer state,
contributing to the stability of the entire continent, can be
restored. Peace and security for Asia as well as for the world at
large can be enhanced. In the future, Tibet need no longer be an
occupied land, oppressed by force, unproductive and scarred by
suffering. It can become a free haven where humanity and nature
live in harmonious balance; a creative model for the resolution of
tensions afflicting many areas throughout the world.
The Chinese leadership need to realize that colonial rule over
occupied territories is today anachronistic. A large genuine
union of association can only come about voluntarily, when there is
satisfactory benefit to all the parties concerned. The European
Community is a clear example of this. On the other hand, even one
country or community can break into two or more entities where there is
lack of trust or benefit, and when force is used as the principal means
of rule.
I would like to end by making a special appeal to the honourable
members of the European Parliament and through them to their respective
constituencies to extend their support to our efforts. A
resolution of the Tibetan problem within the framework that we proposed
will not only be for the mutual benefit of the Tibetans and Chinese
people but will contribute to regional and global peace and
stability. I thank you for providing the opportunity to share my
thoughts with you.
Thank you.
